The National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence, chaired by Milton Eisenhower, interviewed more than 1,400 witnesses to the events and studied FBI reports and films of the confrontations. Its report, released on December 1, 1968, characterized the convention violence as a “police riot,” albeit on the part of a minority of police officers, and recommended prosecution of those officers. The police officers were not prosecuted, but seven movement organizers – Abbie Hoffman, Rennie Davis, John Froines, David Dellinger, Lee Weiner, Tom Hayden, and Bobby Seale – were indicted by the U.S. Justice Department on March 29, 1969, on charges of conspiracy and traveling across state lines to “incite a riot.” Five were convicted of the latter charge, but their convictions were overturned on appeal.
As in Laos, the U.S. began to secretly bomb Cambodia in 1965 to order to impede the flow of arms to the NLF-NVA in South Vietnam. In March 1969, President Nixon significantly increased the aerial assaults under the codename MENU, while still keeping the raids secret from the American people, an amazing feat considering that 110,000 tons of bombs were dropped over a fourteen-month period. A Pentagon report, released in 1973, stated that Nixon’s national security adviser, “Henry A. Kissinger approved each of the 3,875 Cambodia bombing raids in 1969 and 1970 as well as the methods for keeping them out of the newspapers.” In March 1970, Cambodia fell into civil war after Defense Minister Lon Nol engineered a coup d’état. The U.S. backed the anticommunist Nol, sending U.S. forces into Cambodia in May and June. U.S. bombing continued until Congress passed legislation forcing the administration to end it in August 1973. All told, the U.S. dropped 2.7 million tons of bombs on Cambodia, an amount that exceeded the tonnage dropped on Laos. According to the diplomatic historian Greg Grandin:
On to pdf an word liberation Marcuse essay Importance english international language essays affin lineare funktion beispiel Herbert Marcuseâs An Essay.
As a dialectical thinker, Marcuse was also able to see both sides ofthe coin. That is, while art embodied revolutionary potential, itwas also produced, interpreted, and distributed in a repressivesociety. In an oppressive/repressive society the forces ofliberation and the forces of domination do not develop in isolationfrom each other. Instead, they develop in a dialecticalrelationship where one produces the conditions for the other. This can be seen throughout almost all of Marcuse's writings andwill be pointed out at different points in this essay. The taskhere is to take a look at how this dialectic of liberation anddomination occurs within the context of Marcuse's aesthetictheory. This should not be taken to mean that there will never bea point in time when human beings are liberated from the forces ofdomination. This simply means that if an individual group seeksliberation, their analysis or critique of society must come to termswith how things actually work at that moment in that society if anyform of liberation is possible. As Marcuse saw it, there is aform of ideology that serves domination and creates the conditions forliberation at the same time. This will be discussed later. Also, there is a form of liberation that lends itself to be co-opted bythe forces of domination.
Título original: An Essay on Liberation (Beacon Press, Boston, Mass.
Just as art embodied the potential for liberation and the formationof radical subjectivity, it was also capable of being taken up bysystems of domination and used to further or maintain domination. This is the theme of Marcuse's 1937 essay “The AffirmativeCharacter of Culture”. Culture, which is the domain of art,develops in tension with the overall structure of a givensociety. The values and ideal produced by culture calls for thetranscending of oppressive social reality. Culture separatesitself from the social order. That is, the social realm orcivilization is characterized by labor, the working day, the realm ofnecessity, operational thought, etc (Marcuse 1965: 16). Thisis the realm of real material and social relations as well as thestruggle for existence. The cultural realm or civilization ischaracterized by intellectual work, leisure, non-operational thought,freedom, (Marcuse 1965: 16). The freedom to think and reflectthat is made possible at the level of culture makes it possible toconstruct value and ideals that pose a challenge to the socialorder. This is the emancipatory function of art. However,art itself does not bring about liberation it must be translated intopolitical activity. Nevertheless, art is important here becauseit opens up the space for thinking that may then producerevolution.
An Essay on Liberation Pp x, 91.
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There are many other features of Reason and Revolution thatare worth discussing here, especially Marcuse's critique ofpositivism. However, these issues will come up again in otherworks that will be discussed later. Suffice it to say that atthis point Marcuse presents negative thinking as an alternative to whathe will later call one-dimensional thinking. It is throughnegative thinking and revolution that liberation becomespossible. In the next section we will examine another possibilityfor liberation.